Upward-Oriented Complementizer Agreement With Subjects And Objects In Kipsigis

dc.contributor.authorDiercks, Micheal
dc.contributor.authorRao, Meghana
dc.date.accessioned2024-03-19T09:48:32Z
dc.date.available2024-03-19T09:48:32Z
dc.date.issued2019-08-13
dc.description.abstractIn Kipsigis (Nilotic, Kenya), declarative-embedding complementizers can agree with both main-clause subjects (Subj-CA) and main-clause objects (Obj-CA). Subj-CA agrees with the closest super-ordinate subject (even in the context of intervening objects), cannot agree with non-subjects or embedded subjects, and yields an interpretation where the embedded clause is the main point of the utterance. Obj-CA can only target main-clause objects and can only occur on a complementizer already bearing Subj-CA; Obj-CA contributes a verum focus reading to the clause. The paper briefly considers the analytical implications of these patterns.
dc.description.provenanceSubmitted by Louis Kalampa (louiekalampa@gmail.com) on 2024-03-19T09:48:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 20.pdf: 224440 bytes, checksum: 794b6fbbbd5cd9ad6b86773fdd2428cc (MD5)en
dc.description.provenanceMade available in DSpace on 2024-03-19T09:48:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 20.pdf: 224440 bytes, checksum: 794b6fbbbd5cd9ad6b86773fdd2428cc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2019-08-13en
dc.identifier.doihttps://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3367166
dc.identifier.doihttps://doi.org/10.60763/africarxiv/907
dc.identifier.urihttps://africarxiv.ubuntunet.net/handle/1/954
dc.subjectKipsigis
dc.subjectobjects
dc.subjectcomplementizer agreement
dc.subjectembedded clause
dc.titleUpward-Oriented Complementizer Agreement With Subjects And Objects In Kipsigis

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